Spain and Catalonia can find a way forward. Here’s
what they must do
The crisis in the relationship
between Catalonia and the Spanish state is deteriorating.
Apart from Brexit, this is Europe’s greatest challenge since the wars in the
Balkans in the 90s.
The campaign for independence by the
people of Catalonia from the Spanish state goes back many generations. It has
always been peaceful. It has always been non-violent. Or it was until Sunday 1 October. The images of
heavily armoured, riot-clad Spanish national police – Guardia Civil –
batoning voters young and old and violently seizing ballot boxes, were deeply
shocking. The result is that more people took to the streets in support of
Catalan independence, and a general strike was held across Catalonia.
The Spanish government has sent
several contingents of the army into the region. Monday’s meeting of the
Catalan parliament has been ruled illegal by a Spanish court.
And there is a threat that the Spanish prime minister, Mariano Rajoy, will
invoke Article 155 of the constitution,
suspending the Catalan government and parliament, and imposing direct rule.
None of this is likely to deflect
the independence movement in Catalonia.
On the contrary, as the international experience shows only too often,
heavy-handed tactics by the state frequently result in greater opposition and
resistance.
Leadership is urgently needed in
this crisis: leadership from the Spanish state and leadership from the
government of Catalonia – but also critically from the international community,
especially the European Union.
We're still trying to implement
parts of the Good Friday Agreement 20 years on. But, critically, there is no
conflict
Any refusal by the international
community to get involved – hiding behind the argument that this is an internal
matter for Spain – puts at risk the possibility of reaching
a peaceful solution to this very complex situation. This same argument was used
in Ireland by successive British governments during the 70s, 80s and early 90s,
and it blocked the potential to develop a peace process. Eventually it was set
aside and the international community, including the US and EU, made very
positive and constructive contributions to the development and success of the
Irish peace process.
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The imposition of preconditions by
the British government also played a negative part in preventing dialogue and
mediation. However, collectively we succeeded in overcoming all of these
difficulties. Key to that success, and in my view to the unlocking of conflicts
and disputes wherever they occur, was a preparedness to engage in an inclusive
process of dialogue, without preconditions. That allowed no issue to be
excluded from the negotiations, and allowed all issues to be open for
discussion.
While no two disputes are the same,
the broad principles to address and resolve differences are very similar and
can be adapted to suit specific needs. These principles have at their heart the
centrality of dialogue and mediation: the process must tackle the causes that
lie at the core of the dispute. The process must be inclusive, with all parties
treated as equals and mandates respected. All issues must be on the agenda,
with nothing agreed until everything is agreed. There can be no preconditions
and no vetoes. There can be no attempt to predetermine the outcome or preclude
any outcome, and there should be a timeframe. This will provide a dynamic.
Participants must stay focused and be prepared to take risks and engage in
initiatives to advance the process.
The role of the international
community is vital, because international experience shows that the
participation and encouragement of international actors in any process of
negotiation and mediation can be the difference between success and failure.
Endlessly refighting old wars does nothing to heal a
fractured present
Will Hutton
None of this is easy, as our own
situation typifies. Twenty years after the Good Friday agreement, we are still
trying to implement elements of that and subsequent agreements. But,
critically, there is no conflict, and no suggestion that there will be a return
to conflict.
Our experience, and that of South
Africa, is that no conflict is intractable. Political disputes require
political solutions, involving dialogue and mediation. With goodwill, progress
can be made, peace can be achieved and politics can take the place of conflict.
Thus far, the Spanish government is
refusing to open a dialogue without the Catalans acquiescing to preconditions,
including an acceptance that any talk of independence is illegal under Spanish
law. In a conversation I had on Thursday evening with the Catalan president,
Carles Puigdemont, he assured me that the Catalan government stands ready to
talk. I urge the Spanish government to agree to talks and to international
mediation. I also call on everyone, but especially the Spanish state, to not
use violence in this dispute. The imperative must be to apply peaceful methods
to find an agreement.
• Gerry Adams is the president of Sinn
Féin
The crisis in the relationship
between Catalonia and the Spanish state is deteriorating.
Apart from Brexit, this is Europe’s greatest challenge since the wars in the
Balkans in the 90s.
The campaign for independence by the
people of Catalonia from the Spanish state goes back many generations. It has
always been peaceful. It has always been non-violent. Or it was until Sunday 1 October. The images of
heavily armoured, riot-clad Spanish national police – Guardia Civil –
batoning voters young and old and violently seizing ballot boxes, were deeply
shocking. The result is that more people took to the streets in support of
Catalan independence, and a general strike was held across Catalonia.
The Spanish government has sent
several contingents of the army into the region. Monday’s meeting of the
Catalan parliament has been ruled illegal by a Spanish court.
And there is a threat that the Spanish prime minister, Mariano Rajoy, will
invoke Article 155 of the constitution,
suspending the Catalan government and parliament, and imposing direct rule.
None of this is likely to deflect
the independence movement in Catalonia.
On the contrary, as the international experience shows only too often,
heavy-handed tactics by the state frequently result in greater opposition and
resistance.
Leadership is urgently needed in
this crisis: leadership from the Spanish state and leadership from the
government of Catalonia – but also critically from the international community,
especially the European Union.
We're still trying to implement
parts of the Good Friday Agreement 20 years on. But, critically, there is no
conflict
Any refusal by the international
community to get involved – hiding behind the argument that this is an internal
matter for Spain – puts at risk the possibility of reaching
a peaceful solution to this very complex situation. This same argument was used
in Ireland by successive British governments during the 70s, 80s and early 90s,
and it blocked the potential to develop a peace process. Eventually it was set
aside and the international community, including the US and EU, made very
positive and constructive contributions to the development and success of the
Irish peace process.
Advertisement
The imposition of preconditions by
the British government also played a negative part in preventing dialogue and
mediation. However, collectively we succeeded in overcoming all of these
difficulties. Key to that success, and in my view to the unlocking of conflicts
and disputes wherever they occur, was a preparedness to engage in an inclusive
process of dialogue, without preconditions. That allowed no issue to be
excluded from the negotiations, and allowed all issues to be open for
discussion.
While no two disputes are the same,
the broad principles to address and resolve differences are very similar and
can be adapted to suit specific needs. These principles have at their heart the
centrality of dialogue and mediation: the process must tackle the causes that
lie at the core of the dispute. The process must be inclusive, with all parties
treated as equals and mandates respected. All issues must be on the agenda,
with nothing agreed until everything is agreed. There can be no preconditions
and no vetoes. There can be no attempt to predetermine the outcome or preclude
any outcome, and there should be a timeframe. This will provide a dynamic.
Participants must stay focused and be prepared to take risks and engage in
initiatives to advance the process.
The role of the international
community is vital, because international experience shows that the
participation and encouragement of international actors in any process of
negotiation and mediation can be the difference between success and failure.
Endlessly refighting old wars does nothing to heal a
fractured present
Will Hutton
None of this is easy, as our own
situation typifies. Twenty years after the Good Friday agreement, we are still
trying to implement elements of that and subsequent agreements. But,
critically, there is no conflict, and no suggestion that there will be a return
to conflict.
Our experience, and that of South
Africa, is that no conflict is intractable. Political disputes require
political solutions, involving dialogue and mediation. With goodwill, progress
can be made, peace can be achieved and politics can take the place of conflict.
Thus far, the Spanish government is
refusing to open a dialogue without the Catalans acquiescing to preconditions,
including an acceptance that any talk of independence is illegal under Spanish
law. In a conversation I had on Thursday evening with the Catalan president,
Carles Puigdemont, he assured me that the Catalan government stands ready to
talk. I urge the Spanish government to agree to talks and to international
mediation. I also call on everyone, but especially the Spanish state, to not
use violence in this dispute. The imperative must be to apply peaceful methods
to find an agreement.
• Gerry Adams is the president of Sinn
Féin
The crisis in the relationship
between Catalonia and the Spanish state is deteriorating.
Apart from Brexit, this is Europe’s greatest challenge since the wars in the
Balkans in the 90s.
The campaign for independence by the
people of Catalonia from the Spanish state goes back many generations. It has
always been peaceful. It has always been non-violent. Or it was until Sunday 1 October. The images of
heavily armoured, riot-clad Spanish national police – Guardia Civil –
batoning voters young and old and violently seizing ballot boxes, were deeply
shocking. The result is that more people took to the streets in support of
Catalan independence, and a general strike was held across Catalonia.
The Spanish government has sent
several contingents of the army into the region. Monday’s meeting of the
Catalan parliament has been ruled illegal by a Spanish court.
And there is a threat that the Spanish prime minister, Mariano Rajoy, will
invoke Article 155 of the constitution,
suspending the Catalan government and parliament, and imposing direct rule.
None of this is likely to deflect
the independence movement in Catalonia.
On the contrary, as the international experience shows only too often,
heavy-handed tactics by the state frequently result in greater opposition and
resistance.
Leadership is urgently needed in
this crisis: leadership from the Spanish state and leadership from the
government of Catalonia – but also critically from the international community,
especially the European Union.
We're still trying to implement
parts of the Good Friday Agreement 20 years on. But, critically, there is no
conflict
Any refusal by the international
community to get involved – hiding behind the argument that this is an internal
matter for Spain – puts at risk the possibility of reaching
a peaceful solution to this very complex situation. This same argument was used
in Ireland by successive British governments during the 70s, 80s and early 90s,
and it blocked the potential to develop a peace process. Eventually it was set
aside and the international community, including the US and EU, made very
positive and constructive contributions to the development and success of the
Irish peace process.
Advertisement
The imposition of preconditions by
the British government also played a negative part in preventing dialogue and
mediation. However, collectively we succeeded in overcoming all of these
difficulties. Key to that success, and in my view to the unlocking of conflicts
and disputes wherever they occur, was a preparedness to engage in an inclusive
process of dialogue, without preconditions. That allowed no issue to be
excluded from the negotiations, and allowed all issues to be open for
discussion.
While no two disputes are the same,
the broad principles to address and resolve differences are very similar and
can be adapted to suit specific needs. These principles have at their heart the
centrality of dialogue and mediation: the process must tackle the causes that
lie at the core of the dispute. The process must be inclusive, with all parties
treated as equals and mandates respected. All issues must be on the agenda,
with nothing agreed until everything is agreed. There can be no preconditions
and no vetoes. There can be no attempt to predetermine the outcome or preclude
any outcome, and there should be a timeframe. This will provide a dynamic.
Participants must stay focused and be prepared to take risks and engage in
initiatives to advance the process.
The role of the international
community is vital, because international experience shows that the
participation and encouragement of international actors in any process of
negotiation and mediation can be the difference between success and failure.
Endlessly refighting old wars does nothing to heal a
fractured present
Will Hutton
None of this is easy, as our own
situation typifies. Twenty years after the Good Friday agreement, we are still
trying to implement elements of that and subsequent agreements. But,
critically, there is no conflict, and no suggestion that there will be a return
to conflict.
Our experience, and that of South
Africa, is that no conflict is intractable. Political disputes require
political solutions, involving dialogue and mediation. With goodwill, progress
can be made, peace can be achieved and politics can take the place of conflict.
Thus far, the Spanish government is
refusing to open a dialogue without the Catalans acquiescing to preconditions,
including an acceptance that any talk of independence is illegal under Spanish
law. In a conversation I had on Thursday evening with the Catalan president,
Carles Puigdemont, he assured me that the Catalan government stands ready to
talk. I urge the Spanish government to agree to talks and to international
mediation. I also call on everyone, but especially the Spanish state, to not
use violence in this dispute. The imperative must be to apply peaceful methods
to find an agreement.
• Gerry Adams is the president of Sinn
Féin
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